Equal Power (True Sovereign Series #2)
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At the other end of the continuum the more despotic kings correlate with less equal and alike peoples, and with more unrestrained coercive powers. This correlation of traits of coercion, restraints and types of people ruled is why in ch. Early Greeks, he suggests, lived in small communities and it was hard in such environments to find significant numbers of men who excelled in virtue, though it was still possible to discover at least one capable person.
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As cities grew it came about that "many men arose who were alike in respect of virtue and would no longer submit to royalty but sought some form of and set up a republican constitution" III, b This reflects as well as demonstrates Aristotle's belief in the incompatibility of kingship with the of a society of equals and similars. As polis -type societies developed it became both difficult, and eventually unacceptable, for the coercive powers of a community to reside in the hands of a single individual.
This principle is, in fact, coherent with the history of the rise of poleis in various parts of Greece Aristotle does not raise the interesting corollary of the possibility of a society of equals submitting itself willingly to the rule of a less than incomparably virtuous individual. A reading of chapters 13 and 17 where the arguments for the incomparably best man are presented, and of V, a above , seem to suggest that it would be impossible to find equals who would be willing to submit themselves to a less than superlatively distinguished leader.
Apparently, the difficulty in deciding in a society of equals who is the relatively best man was seen by Aristotle as insuperable Thus he arrives at the conclusion that, in the absence of a truly incomparable individual, the normal way a single ruler will come to power will be through force or deception.
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To return to the analysis and to the largest of the aporiai that have emerged from this discussion: At the extreme end of the spectrum in terms of coercive powers and lack of external restraints, is pambasileia. It is postulated in ch. This leads us to the core of the problem.
Yet we are told that the pambasileus' rule is legitimate. But I have already argued that the fifth king of ch. I suggest two approaches to resolving the problem. The one is extraphilosophical or biographical; the other is contained, I believe, within the definition itself of the pambasileus of ch.
First the biographical. The evolution of Macedonia from a backward Balkan nation, not greatly distinguishable from its neighbors, to a powerful, centralized state of immense though uncertain political power, must have been of more than scientific interest to Aristotle. Stagira was a frontier town, so that beyond personal connections with the Macedonian court, Aristotle was familiar with a world many southern Greeks would have found alien.
The destruction by Philip of the great city of Olynthus , the most important true Greek metropolitan center in the region, the dissolution along with it of the Chalcidian league, and the destruction of Stagira , cannot have left him unaffected. True, he was not in the region when all of this happened; he was in Athens, perhaps pondering, among other things, Plato's experiences with the tyrant Dionysius of Syracuse, as well as the heated debates over Macedonian policy then taking place in the city From Athens Aristotle journeyed northward again in to Assos under the sponsorship of Hermeias with whom he developed a close personal relationship.
Perhaps at Hermeias' recommendation Aristotle went on to become tutor of Following his stint in Macedonia and having had first-hand experience with Philip and Alexander, Aristotle was again in Athens, soon after the destruction of Thebes by Alexander. In Athens he was able to witness the reaction of a prominent Greek state to this event He must have watched the progress of Alexander's closely. There were the results of the visit to the shrine of Zeus Ammon followed by the claim to the Great King's title in ; the murder of Cleitus; the events at Bactra; the execution of Callisthenes; the heavy handed treatment of the.
Greek states of Asia Minor; the humiliation of the veterans at Opis, and finally the promulgation of the Exile's Decree B. It is hardly speculation to think that these events must have made Aristotle reflect more deeply on the subject he regarded with such importance. The debate with Plato over kingship belonged in the past, by now long since subsumed by later experiences, and the acquisition of a considerable body of knowledge about kingship in its many forms.
The debate over kingship was not merely about the hypothetical king of Plato or even the long tradition regarding tyranny in popular thought. He must surely have had to factor in the reality of Macedonian overlordship and its implications for Greece and for his political theory. What Aristotle saw unfolding before him was something wholly new in Greek history. Prior to Philip, the inhabitants of the old, independent poleis of the mainland would not have dreamed of being ruled by a king, neither one of their own nor any one else's The fact that the Greeks of Asia Minor and some of the islanders had come under the control of a barbarian monarch, the Persian king, was an historical accident.
But the appearance of a king claiming Argive descent was something new. He would be a Greek king claiming to rule Greek cities What is more, this king was now, it seemed, asserting his power not just over the Greek cities of Asia Minor, but over those of the mainland as well in much the same way as the Great King had ruled the rest of his subjects.
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Such, at any rate, is a reasonable assessment of the implications of the Exile's Decree It was no longer unthinkable that Greeks should be ruled by a king. Hence the question of kingship needed to be revisited. It seems that in a general way Aristotle had at first dismissed the rule of one as an irrelevancy to the Greeks of his times. At most, Greek kings were like the kings of Sparta, or the appointed administrators of Epidamnus and Opus, barely kings at all, weak in the scale of kingship.
It was thus a purely theoretical question that a king should rule over free Greek cities. Correspondingly, his original analysis of types of kings was restricted to four categories. The highest level of despotism in the list was category 2, that of barbarian kingship which existed among "some" of the This kind of kingship was a legitimate constitution and Aristotle may well have had this category in mind for all barbarian kingships that were real kingships and not mere tyrannies or ephemeral chiefdoms It was a broad category and he may well have considered it comprehensive.
At some point, perhaps in the s, Aristotle added the fifth form oi pambasileus now found in ch. This was the de facto situation by the time of the Exiles Decree in To the list of four historical monarchical categories he added a fifth on the consideration that the list was, as he now realized, incomplete. The list needed expansion beyond barbarian kingship. The likelihood of kingly rule over Greek poleis had to be dealt with, and Aristotle added the fifth category to deal with this eventuality. How Aristotle thought all this might be reconciled theoretically is less clear.
One hint is perhaps contained in his comparison of the rule of the real absolute king to that of the householder. We already know from principles discussed in book I that all households are ruled monarchically37, but this rule is divided into three subtypes corresponding to the constituent sub-koinoniai of the household: over slaves the.
In a general way this also corresponds to Aristotle's basic principle that different constitutions are suited to different peoples, as well as to the conventional wisdom of the fourth century. The opinion that Macedonians should be ruled by custom and consent, not force, is also found in Arrian's version of Callisthenes' speech There are other examples so much so that the sentiment that the consent of the governed be respected was a fourth century commonplace The rule of kings is justified on a sliding scale of proportionality between a ruler's virtues and capacities and those of the people for whom his rule is intended.
Each eidos of kingship corresponds to the type of population ruled. In his first consideration of the subject I would argue that Aristotle had come to the well-known and much-discussed conclusion that truly free and equal citizens could be ruled legitimately only by a king of incomparable virtue and ability. This was, as Mulgan rightly points out, an integral part of Aristotle's discussion of distributive justice in book III Only an ideal, superlatively endowed individual, whose existence is very unlikely, could rule free and equal citizens.
The rule of the best man absolute king in the best state is a theoretical construct Initially, at least, Aristotle was not thinking of the actual possibility of a king ruling in a traditional Greek polis inhabited by free, equal and alike citizens. After modifying his theory it would still be difficult for a king to rule in a city such as Athens which was made up of truly free and equal citizens.
The justification of rule by a king over cities of this type would demand a ruler of outstanding virtue and ability, but not necessarily of the level of excellence required for the ideal city of equal and alike citizens. Proportional excellence would suffice. Cities with weaker claims to rule by equal and alike citizens would require proportionately lower levels of virtue and ability on the part of their rulers.
It would thus not be unthinkable that disorderly poleis, for example, might legitimately be ruled by a king who would not, however, be justified in ruling an Athens or any other city where equals ruled each other in some orderly fashion. Aristotle could not offer a detailed solution to the problem of the just rule of a monarch over the free cities of Greece, but he could provide a way of thinking constructively about this problem.
It would have been easiest to grasp the extremes of the proposed sliding scale. At one end was the ideal city with its free and equal citizens ruled by the presumptively best man. Clearly the principle does not justify, as such, the rule of kings over poleis, but only over those that needed it at any given time, and only for as long as such rule was necessary. The principle allows for flexibility since historically, as Aristotle knew, peoples moved in both directions, from self-rule to ungovernability and vice versa.
Indeed, the very model for this, I suspect, was early Greece which went from kingly rule to less despotic forms of government. As the number of free and equal peoples increased over time in early Greek communities, the rule of kings declined to the point where, as he says, there are "now no kings in Greece", at least no legitimate ones a Beyond the pambasileus was the now accurately identified tyrant Aristotle's is an instrument that comprehends all forms of royalty. He has identified the key traits for royal rule and the way in which it differs from tyranny In his analysis Aristotle surpassed Plato who limited his view of monarchy to the polis alone and so produced a relatively undeveloped theory of kingship compared to that of Aristotle.
It is not that Aristotle advocates, contrary to Plato, the real existence of a philosopher- king, so much that he takes a hard look at real kings and then explains under what circumstances a king might reign legitimately. Plato held a more restricted view of kingly rule. If a monarch rules according to his own devices, behaving as if he really knew, he is a tyrant Pol.
Aristotle finds a place in his royal continuum for someone who rules in this fashion, but who is not a tyrant. He accommodates Plato in so far as his approach allows for the education of a king, or more precisely, the development of a community itself as it might move, for instance, from the excessive power of the tyrant to absolute kingship, to finally, the constitutional kings of Sparta and elsewhere Alexander's contribution to Aristotle was to provide him with the impetus to consider more deeply the nature of kingship and ways in which real kings could justly and expediently rule various populations.
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This paper was presented at the meeting of the Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy. I am very grateful to David J. Depew, W. Lindsey Adams and David L. Toye for helpful comments on an earlier version of it. Flashar ed. Kamp, Die politische Philosophie des Aristoteles und ihre metaphysischen Grundlagen, Munich, , p. Miller, Jr. Newman, The Politics of Aristotle, 3, Oxford, , p.
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